We are happy that the European leaders who did their best to
block the United States from deposing Saddam are happy at his
capture. But if they had had their way, Saddam and his killing
machine would still be in power, still racing to develop or acquire
nuclear weapons, still training terrorists, and plotting its next
act of international aggression.
We are happy that the European leaders who did their best to block the United States from deposing Saddam are happy at his capture. But if they had had their way, Saddam and his killing machine would still be in power, still racing to develop or acquire nuclear weapons, still training terrorists, and plotting its next act of international aggression.
Europe claims to aspire to a leadership role in the world, or at least the right to comment on global affairs. As we consider the future, two types of days stand out: red-letter days such as Saddam’s capture, and the fall of his and the Taliban regimes; and their anti-thesis, such as Sept. 11, 2001.
How does Europe plan to produce more of the good days and fewer of the catastrophic ones?
After 9/11, the “unlimited solidarity” with the U.S. that Schroeder pledged and Chirac’s emotional trip to Ground Zero were quickly forgotten. Similarly, European leaders and publics may soon forget the pictures of celebrating Iraqis expressing unadulterated joy at the capture and humiliation of the tyrant who ruled over them.
The world, including many Americans, will strive to prematurely return to the “normal life” that existed, or seemed to, before 9/11. This would be a tragic mistake.
The lesson of 9/11 is in danger of being forgotten in America and was never learned in Europe: Complacency toward hostile tyrannies bears a terrible price.
There may be alternative methods, but there is no alternative goal to pressing on against the tyrannies that are the major threats to international peace and security. We would like to think that the leaders in Damascus, Teheran and Pyongyang will get the message and turn their nations into model members of the international community, but the power of example is, so far, not enough.
Confronted with “allies” engaged in undisguised efforts to undermine its policy, the time has come for the U.S. to consider playing a similar form of hardball. Let us find out more about the financial relationships between Saddam and some of the governments who now celebrate his capture. Let us see more sunlight on the human rights records of the regimes Europe wants to “engage.”
If there was any doubt, Saddam’s trial should prove that high moral ground was not occupied by those who wanted to trade with, rather than topple, his regime. The moral high ground must be captured by those who deserve it: the nations that join the fight to advance freedom and defeat terrorism.
